The former French colonies on the African continent, referred to as the Franc Zone, have continuously struggled to overcome the lasting effects of the colonial era, failing to build lasting political structures and transnational unity. Economists have recently argued that Sub-Saharan Africa may be on the brink of an economic upturn, assuming governmental structures are equipped to sustain such a boom. The goal of this research project is to analyze trends across ideologies and leadership that benefited the anticolonial revolutions in West Africa during the mid 20th century in order to better understand how to foster and build transnational solidarity within the region. More specifically, I examine what influence Black Marxism and early Pan Africanism had on the ability to successfully decolonize modern West Africa. I will focus on the countries of Burkina Faso, Senegal, and Côte d’Ivoire to better understand these trends across Francophone West African countries in particular. This study incorporates a Mixed Methods Research approach and data collection of secondary sources. These sources include texts, images, documentaries, interviews and speeches from relevant leaders and spokespersons that demonstrate cultural influence on any of the four listed countries [as well as other Francophone countries in the region]. The findings in this study suggest that the popularization of women’s liberation, democratic socialism, and pan Africanism is central to successful national cohesion and progress. Central leadership that is able to promote endogenous and self-propelled progress fostered the most visible unity within national borders, as well as across the entire African diaspora.

On June 28, 1964 Malcolm X addressed the crowd at the Organization of Afro-American Unity rally in New York City, and proclaimed that freedom, justice, and liberation must be achieved “by any means necessary.” The United States and its founding on colonialism, slavery, and White Supremacy entrenched Black Americans in a society that was unjust and violent at their expense. Since the first ship of slaves landed in Colonial Virginia in 1619, Black Americans have fought for their freedom (Tyson, 1998). Fast forward four hundred some years, that fight has continued through today. However, we are at a critical juncture. With rampant police killings, increasing incidents of Anti-Blackness, and overall threat to the Black way of life, we must examine where our movement has been, where it is at today, and what is coming next. This study aims to begin exploring three things: First, where has this movement been? This will be explored by asking organizers about their relationship/history to their mentors, predecessors, and ancestors. Second, where is the movement for Black Liberation today in terms of ideology, strategy, and strength? Third, what is the future vision of our movement and how are willing to get there? Subsequently, I will then use interviews and examine them utilizing critical race and decolonial theory to understand and draw conclusions. To be Black is to be a living, breathing threat to the legitimacy of the United States of America, but to be Black is, also, to fight for the liberation of our people.

Between 2010 and 2013, secondary and university students in Chile and Argentina left their classrooms and took to the streets to protest their governments’ education policies. Scholars have tied these actions to a larger rejection of neoliberalism and social inequalities by much of these nations’ populations. Yet, the words, thoughts, and ideas of the protestors too often are overshadowed by the scholars’ own theories. This essay seeks to correct that by examining blogs, posters, pamphlets, and other ephemeral forms of communication student protesters used to mobilize their peers, organize their efforts, convey their grievances and demands, and connect with the general public. In addition, this essay analyzes the role these modes of communication had in cross-border cooperation between student groups. By studying these sources, this research attempts to view these student movements through the eyes of student protestors.

This paper aims to explore the history of black student activism at St. Lawrence University starting in 1968 leading up to the activism that the Black Laurentian Initiative is doing today. Recent black student social justice activism was indirectly born from the activism that students did in the 1960s and 70s. I will be exploring what methods of activism seemed to be effective, and which seemed to be ineffective. They wrote manifestos, letters to the university, had meetings with faculty and the president of the university, worked with the student government, and wrote student news articles to document and work through their requests.