Coups have long been referenced as one of the most notable anti-regime activities. Oftentimes, coups are linked to unstable countries--either as a precursor or an outcome of democratic deterioration--and intervention by outside actors. This paper addresses the question of how third-party intervention affects post-coup democratization processes in the post-Cold War period. I argue that third-party intervention tends to undermine democratization by prioritizing external geostrategic and economic objectives over domestic democratic development. The findings reveal that intervening countries often support centralized authority in individual leaders, fostering corruption and limiting local agency. I support these claims through qualitative case studies of coups in Honduras (2009), Madagascar (2009), and Tunisia (2011), paired with quantitative analysis to assess whether third-party intervention fosters or subverts democracy post-coup. This research contributes to the literature on post-coup democratization by demonstrating that post-coup interventions frequently reinforce authoritarian tendencies rather than facilitate democratic processes, such as free and fair elections. Ultimately, my argument and findings highlight the need to reassess the intervention of third parties in post-coup countries and reinforce the importance of centering domestic actors and processes in order to build lasting post-coup democracies.

This research addresses a critical question regarding democracy: What systems in the judicial branch are most susceptible to authoritarian manipulation, and what mechanisms in various democracies make judicial capture more difficult? It examines structural vulnerabilities in judicial systems, including appointment processes, term lengths, constitutional rigidity, and abusive judicial review. Using a comparative analysis of the United States, Poland, and Hungary, the paper highlights how decentralizing judicial authority and implementing robust checks and balances make the judiciary harder to corrupt. It was found in this analysis that decentralization of government processes and broader checks and balances is the most effective way to prevent Judicial Capture by bad actors. It also examines problems within the Judicial process such as Abusive Judicial Review and how bad incentives can cause bad faith rulings. For this problem, it proposes a solution based on psychological incentives that use conditioning to make ethical justice behavior psychologically rewarding for Judges. On the other hand, Adaptive Constitutional Switch Theory aims to address the efficiency vs. safety conflict inherent in decentralized government structures. Since the solution to this backsliding issue would slow government functionality down drastically, it aims to make the government slow and inefficient only under extreme conditions that would put democracy at risk. By tackling both systemic and psychological challenges, this research answers the under

Colonialism has systemically impoverished much of the Global South, and modern neoliberal policies continue to reinforce this inequality under the guise of “economic development.” Although Cuba underwent a socialist revolution, it continues to grapple with food sovereignty due to a long history of economic dependency and external intervention. After the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991, Cuba entered the “Special Period,” a time of deep economic crisis that exposed vulnerabilities in its food system. While many attribute this crisis to the loss of Soviet subsidies, I argue that U.S. imperialism and ongoing economic warfare played a central role in exacerbating food insecurity. In this project, I examine the historical roots of Cuba’s agricultural inequality by analyzing colonial and postcolonial economic structures. I draw on primary sources—including Fidel Castro’s speeches on food security—and conduct a historical literature review to trace how U.S. policies, especially the embargo, have undermined Cuba’s food system. I also highlight Cuba’s grassroots efforts to restore food sovereignty through local food production, agroecology, and cooperative farming, framing these as acts of resistance against imperialist control. By situating Cuba’s food crisis within a broader history of imperialism, I challenge dominant narratives that blame internal policy failures. This project shows how Cuba’s pursuit of food sovereignty represents a larger struggle for self-sufficiency and justice in the face of persistent external aggression.

Even though Vietnam’s constitution formally allows religious freedom, there are government restrictions in place on the activities of many religious groups. This essay will analyze the attempts of the Vietnamese state to control Buddhism specifically via highlighting institutions’ actions and their impact on society. It will emphasize how the Buddhist group's treatment directly contradicts Vietnam’s formal statements regarding freedom of religion. I will analyze the Buddhist Persecution in Vietnam, specifically, via government restrictions and the contradictory reasoning behind such imposition. Via analyzing over 15 sources, I will highlight the state’s reaction to the growing influence of religious forces that, in their eyes, could be a possible opposition force especially with the Vietnam Buddhist Sangha’s history. Holistically, this paper is centered around how the state has placed a variety of policies that allow it to control Buddhism as well as other religions that they deem as threats to their communist ideals and their power as a governing body. Some key terms include Buddhism; Vietnam; Religion; Political Activism.