Genocide, as understood by the international community, is widely-condemned in theory yet faces significant challenges for formal recognition and justice in the twenty-first century. Furthermore, the framing of it as a singular event as opposed to a process deeply intertwined with wider societal conditions limits effective action for resolution, mitigation, and prevention. Utilizing a variety of reports, interviews, documents, and scholarly sources, this paper will analyze the consequences of genocide as a process that shapes developmental outcomes. By focusing specifically on the case studies of Sudan and Ethiopia, two East African countries that are currently facing or have recently experienced genocide, this study will examine how the protracted period of genocide has undermined people’s access to basic needs and conditions for well-being. Theorizing genocide in conversation with the field of international development is crucial in understanding how genocide prevention can be implemented in development work to improve the lives of vulnerable people across the world and promote a new vision of how this field can give agency to those most impacted by atrocities and injustice. Only by bringing these two fields of study together can the developmental implications of genocide be fully explored to envision possibilities for early warnings and intervention to prevent genocide as a whole.

This project focuses on an understanding of the “Latino vote”, which has often been perceived as an homogenous voting-block in public perception. Though, this fallacy of homogenous voting oftentimes overlooks the prominent subsect of voters that are inherently conservative. Thus, the greater question I aim to pose is what influences such a subsect of voters to have this conservative political stance. In my research, I aim to further understand the influences that result in the development and maintenance of conservative ideologies within a population of Latino college students. Through preliminary findings from my semi-structured interviews, I identified that individuals vote in relation to their social surroundings and other individual factors outside of just their ethnic background. This can be observed in various forms such as academic, familial, and religious affiliation. This project holds significance as it aims to understand political ideology in one of the most electorally influential demographic groups of our modern political era. These findings can help inform policy decisions on voter priorities and enable a better understanding of the motivations behind political affiliation.

Maternal mortality refers to the death of a woman during pregnancy, childbirth, or within 42 days after delivery due to pregnancy-related causes. This public health crisis in the U.S. disproportionately affects Black and Indigenous women, who face greater risks and higher mortality rates. Systemic racism and provider bias largely contribute to these disparities, along with limited access to quality care. Beyond institutional racism, social, cultural, political, and behavioral factors also influence the increased mortality rates in these populations. This paper examines these root causes to offer a deeper understanding of maternal mortality among Black and Indigenous women. Using biomedical, behavioral, and political economy approaches, we analyze the multiple sectors contributing to this disparity. To address these inequalities, our final intervention uses a three-pronged approach: increased advocacy for anti-racism education, expanded community-based participation, and stronger accountability through healthcare policy reform. Our solutions emphasize culturally competent care, address social determinants of health, and promote community-based learning. Proposed legislation includes mandates for transparency through data collection, investigations, and legal action to ensure healthcare systems are held responsible for inadequate care. Ultimately, we aim to reduce maternal mortality rates and promote equitable, inclusive healthcare for Black and Indigenous women in the U.S.

Recent years have seen parallel rises in social media usage and ideological intolerance, leading public commentators and scholars alike to infer a causal relationship between the two. However, this relationship remains empirically untested, and the mechanisms connecting them are poorly understood. I enumerate five potential mechanisms and identify echo chamber intensity as the one most strongly supported by existing literature. Then, I conduct a survey on 120 UCLA undergraduate students testing both the overall relationship and the specific role of echo chamber intensity. The results show no correlation between consumption of political content on social media and ideological intolerance. They also show that echo chamber intensity is correlated with neither consumption of political content on social media nor ideological intolerance. These findings challenge prevailing assumptions and demonstrate the necessity of further research in this area.

This paper will explore the research question: how do variations in domestic governance and civil society engagement shape the local and transnational responses to China’s hydropower expansion in Cambodia and Laos? It will use a comparative analysis of two dams the Lower Sesan 2 Dam in Cambodia and the Don Sahong that are both financially supported through China’s One Belt One Road Initiative to discuss these variations in responses to these hydropower projects. It examines how both dams, while producing similar environmental degradation and displacement of local communities, have had different responses due to the differing political structures and civic spaces in each country. This qualitative based research report uses NGO reports, academic literature, and media coverage to assess the environmental and social consequences of each project. Both dams have disrupted ecosystems, endangered livelihoods, and displaced indigenous populations. However, the study finds that Cambodia’s more open civic space has allowed greater protest and advocacy, while Laos’s restrictive governance has suppressed opposition. The thesis is still in progress but is currently supporting that political context significantly influences local agency and resistance to BRI projects and calls for stronger regional safeguards to protect environmental and community interests in future infrastructure development.